DOJ Moves to Disqualify Two Minnesota Judges Over NYT Immigration Remarks

The Justice Department is asking two federal judges in Minnesota to disqualify themselves from immigration-related cases, arguing that their on-the-record criticism of the Trump administration's enforcement operation to The New York Times raised questions about whether they can be fair. In court papers filed this week, Associate Attorney General Stanley Woodward Jr. demanded that U.S. District Judges Patrick Schiltz and John Tunheim recuse themselves, setting up a rare clash between the executive branch and the federal bench.

The filings mark the sharpest escalation yet in a months-long fight between the Justice Department and Minnesota's federal judiciary over last winter's immigration crackdown in Minneapolis, known as Operation Metro Surge. According to reports, the administration says the judges crossed an ethical line by speaking publicly about the operation while cases tied to it were pending. The judges counter that they were defending the rule of law, not taking sides.

The Robert F. Kennedy Department of Justice Building in Washington, D.C. (file photo)


The Cases at the Center of the Fight

The Justice Department filed separate motions targeting each judge and the specific case each is overseeing, both connected to immigration enforcement.

Judge Patrick Schiltz, who was appointed by President George W. Bush, is presiding over the department's effort to strip U.S. citizenship from Salah Osman Ahmed, a Somali-born man who pleaded guilty in 2009 to providing material support to terrorists after joining al-Shabaab. In his filing, Woodward linked the case to what he described as the administration's "largest denaturalization effort in Department history," aimed at what the Justice Department calls restoring trust and integrity in U.S. citizenship.

Judge John Tunheim, a Clinton appointee, is presiding over the prosecution of a South African national accused of falsely claiming U.S. citizenship and illegally voting in the 2024 election. Woodward argued that both judges' public comments created a situation where, under federal law, "recusal is compelled when a judge's partiality might reasonably be questioned."

The two cases are among many immigration matters that flooded Minnesota's federal courts during the administration's enforcement surge, forcing the district's judges to coordinate on the volume of filings in ways that later became part of the controversy.

The federal courthouse in Minneapolis, home of the U.S. District Court for the District of Minnesota. (file photo)

The Interview That Started It All

The dispute traces back to a New York Times report published on September 17, in which Schiltz, Tunheim and five other Minnesota federal judges spoke about the fallout from Operation Metro Surge in unusually candid terms.

Schiltz sat for a roughly 90-minute interview during which he described the administration's repeated violations of court orders as having created a "grave threat to the rule of law," according to reports on the article. He attributed the problems largely to incompetence and staffing shortages and declined to discuss ongoing cases.

Tunheim suggested to the Times that agents carrying out the immigration crackdown were not primarily apprehending dangerous criminals, a remark the Justice Department has treated as a direct criticism of the operation's conduct.

The report also revealed that the Minnesota judges had regularly met and communicated through running email threads, and that court clerks had created an informal spreadsheet to identify which judges could be consulted about recurring legal questions. Chief Judge Eric Tostrud said the judges nevertheless independently decided every case assigned to them.

"The bottom line is that each of us made an independent decision with respect to the merits of each and every petition we were assigned," Tostrud said at the time.

The Justice Department was already signaling recusal concerns when the Times report appeared. A department spokesperson told Fox News Digital in September that judges who had made public comments on pending or related matters "should consider whether recusal is warranted going forward."

Last month, Attorney General Todd Blanche announced that the department had filed a judicial misconduct complaint with the Eighth Circuit Court of Appeals against Schiltz, Tunheim and other Minnesota judges who participated in the interviews, accusing them of violating judicial ethics rules. Blanche said their conduct had "undermined public confidence in an impartial judiciary in Minnesota."

DOJ's Case for Recusal

In this week's filings and in a statement posted to X, the Justice Department framed the issue as one of public trust in the courts rather than a disagreement over policy.

"Impartiality is imperative to ensuring public trust in our Nation's judiciary," the department said. "Judge Schiltz's and Judge Tunheim's on-the-record participation in a recent highly partisan New York Times Article, along with Judge Schiltz's subsequent public comments, unquestionably calls into doubt whether they can be impartial in these cases."

Woodward accused the judges of "improper political commentary," writing that federal law compels recusal when a judge's partiality might reasonably be questioned.

The department's view found a sympathetic voice in Charles "Cully" Stimson, a senior legal fellow at the Heritage Foundation who previously served as a federal prosecutor and military judge. He told Fox News Digital that judges ordinarily avoid publicly commenting on matters that could intersect with cases before them.

"These judges did something extraordinarily imprudent, and that is to talk to any newspaper, much less the New York Times," Stimson said. "That was a big no-no."

Stimson added that, based on the interviews alone, he would step aside from the particular cases at issue. He cautioned, however, that recusal motions put judges in the unusual position of effectively judging their own impartiality, and said it would be inappropriate to predict how either motion should be resolved without the complete record.

The Judges Push Back

Schiltz declined to comment on the Justice Department's latest effort to disqualify him this week. But when asked about the possibility of recusal in September, he argued there was no basis for him to step aside and noted that the department had not asked him to do so at the time.

"I have seen suggestions from the Administration that I might have to recuse in immigration cases, but no one has yet identified any basis for my recusal, which is presumably why the Justice Department has not asked me to recuse," Schiltz said then.

"Neither in the New York Times article nor anywhere else have I commented on the merits of a particular case," he continued. "Instead, I have spoken in defense of the rule of law, a component of which is compliance with court orders. That is not a cause for recusal."

Tunheim did not respond to requests for comment. A court spokesperson declined to comment on the filings, citing rules preventing judges from discussing pending cases.

The distinction at the heart of the judges' position is one that legal ethics experts have debated for years: whether a judge speaking in defense of institutional norms like compliance with court orders is engaging in politics, or simply doing what judges are expected to do when the machinery of justice comes under strain.

A judge's gavel in a courtroom. (file photo)

What This Means

Recusal motions against sitting federal judges are uncommon, and motions filed by the Justice Department against judges on the basis of press interviews are rarer still. The legal standard favors the party seeking recusal only when a reasonable observer could doubt the judge's impartiality, but the motion is decided first by the very judge whose impartiality is being questioned.

That structure gives this fight its unusual shape. If Schiltz and Tunheim deny the Justice Department's requests, the government could seek review from the Eighth Circuit, where a three-judge panel would decide whether the legal standard for recusal has been met, according to Stimson.

The case also lands in a broader pattern of confrontation between the administration and the courts over immigration policy. The administration has accused judges of obstructing its deportation agenda, while judges have warned that repeated violations of court orders threaten the integrity of the judicial system. The Times interview that sparked this particular fight was itself an attempt by the judges to describe the strain the enforcement surge placed on their courts.

What makes the current moment distinctive is the move from rhetoric to formal legal action. A misconduct complaint asks the judiciary to police itself; a recusal motion asks a judge to step away from specific cases. Both can end with the judges unchanged and the department empty-handed.

What Happens Next

For now, the immediate question is how Schiltz and Tunheim respond to the recusal motions. The Justice Department has declined to say whether it would appeal if either judge denies the request, leaving open the possibility of an Eighth Circuit review.

In the meantime, the two underlying cases continue. The denaturalization proceeding against Salah Osman Ahmed and the illegal-voting prosecution of the South African national will proceed regardless of who is wearing the robe. But the fight over who should preside may take longer to resolve than the cases themselves.

The standoff also arrives less than two weeks before the November 3 midterm elections, in which immigration remains one of the most fiercely debated issues. However the judges rule on the motions, the dispute over their interviews is likely to remain a flashpoint in the larger debate over the independence of the federal judiciary.

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